K Street Power Structure: Who Holds Lobbying Revenue
K Street's lobbying revenue is concentrated and tilting toward Republican-aligned firms. The ten largest firms reported $570.9 million in 2025 federal lobbying revenue, led by Ballard Partners at $88.2 million, according to Bloomberg Government. LegiStorm reported that outside firms outspent in-house lobbying operations in 2025, $2.76 billion to $2.46 billion.
Who holds the most lobbying revenue on K Street?
Ballard Partners holds the most lobbying revenue on K Street, with $88.2 million reported for 2025 according to Bloomberg Government. The table lists the ten largest firms by reported federal lobbying revenue under the Lobbying Disclosure Act.
Rank
Firm
2025 federal lobbying revenue
1
Ballard Partners
$88.2M
2
Brownstein Hyatt Farber Schreck
$73.9M
3
BGR Government Affairs
$71.2M
4
Akin Gump Strauss Hauer & Feld
$65.4M
5
Cornerstone Government Affairs
$55.8M
6
Holland & Knight
$55.1M
7
Miller Strategies
$51.2M
8
Invariant
$47.1M
9
Thorn Run Partners
$32.4M
10
Cassidy & Associates
$30.6M
Those ten firms add up to $570.9 million. Legis1's ranking says the fifty largest firms reported $1.29 billion in 2025, so the top ten hold about 44 percent of the top-fifty total, and Ballard alone holds about 7 percent ($88.4 million on Legis1's count). Against LegiStorm's $2.76 billion for all outside lobbying firms, the top ten hold about 21 percent. The ratios mix publishers, so read them as estimates. The full ranking sits in biggest lobbying firms by revenue.
Did Ballard Partners overtake Brownstein Hyatt?
Ballard Partners did overtake Brownstein Hyatt Farber Schreck, which had earned the most lobbying revenue every year from 2021 to 2024 according to a November 2025 report in ScheerPost. Ballard passed Brownstein once third-quarter filings posted, with $59.5 million against Brownstein's $54 million for the year to date.
LegiStorm called Ballard the first firm to exceed $20 million in a single quarter, a line it crossed in three quarters of 2025, with about $22.2 million in the fourth quarter. LegiStorm counts Ballard's 2025 total at nearly $81.7 million, against $88.2 million at Bloomberg Government and $88.4 million at Legis1. All three put Ballard first, and the spread comes from how each publisher treats amended filings and affiliated entities.
Mercury Public Affairs shows the same pull. ScheerPost reported that Mercury took in $19.1 million in the first three quarters of 2025, more than double the same period a year earlier. EPR profiles the firm at Mercury Public Affairs.
Is K Street tilting toward Republican-aligned firms?
K Street is tilting toward Republican-aligned firms in the revenue data. LegiStorm reported that Republican-leaning firms brought in $1.32 billion in 2025, up 23 percent, while Democratic-leaning firms brought in $655 million, up 2.8 percent. On those two groups alone, Republican-leaning firms held about two-thirds of the revenue.
The top of the table fits the pattern. LegiStorm's fourth-quarter review put four of the ten highest-grossing firms in the Republican-leaning group, including Miller Strategies. Check a firm's partisan lean against the committees and agencies your client needs to reach before you hire it.
Are outside firms replacing in-house lobbying teams?
Outside firms are taking more of the lobbying market, according to LegiStorm. Spending on external lobbyists rose to $2.76 billion in 2025, up 25.3 percent, while in-house lobbying rose 8.5 percent to $2.46 billion. Firms reported 15,592 clients, up from 13,910 a year earlier, and total spending reached $5.24 billion, a $768 million increase.
Publishers disagree on the total: Bloomberg Government counted $5.3 billion and OpenSecrets about $5.08 billion, as noted in the firm ranking. The direction is the same in every source. The market grew and the firms captured the growth. LegiStorm's figures are in Lobbying spending tops $5 billion in 2025.
What does lobbying revenue leave out for PR teams?
Lobbying revenue leaves out the communications, public affairs and grassroots work that firms sell beside lobbying. Legis1 states that its ranking excludes a firm's non-lobbying legal, consulting or public-affairs billings, which are not disclosable. A firm that earns much of its income from integrated communications ranks lower than its real size.
The Lobbying Disclosure Act record also shows less about subcontracted PR firms than the FARA record does. EPR's Hellerman Communications case shows a PR subcontractor surfacing in a foreign-principal filing. For the foreign-client side of K Street, read the FARA guide.
How should a PR or public affairs team use the rankings?
A PR or public affairs team should use the rankings to shortlist firms and then test each one against its own filings. The table gives five checks.
Check
Where to look
What it tells you
Revenue trend over four quarters
Quarterly LDA filings, aggregated by Bloomberg Government, LegiStorm or Legis1
Whether a firm is growing or flat, for example Ballard's three $20 million quarters
Partisan lean
LegiStorm's firm classifications
Whether the firm's relationships match the committees your issue sits in
Client conflicts
The firm's client list in its LDA registrations
Whether the firm already works for a competitor or a counterparty
Foreign clients
FARA eFile database
Whether the firm carries foreign-principal work that could draw press scrutiny
Integrated communications
The firm's own services pages and subcontractors
Whether it can run media and coalition work that the revenue number does not count
Why it works: The rankings are built from the quarterly reports lobbyists file with the Clerk of the House and the Secretary of the Senate, so every figure traces to a public filing a buyer can read. The source is Legis1's 2025 ranking, which describes that method and its limits.
Sources: Bloomberg Government, Top 10 Federal Lobbying Firms (2025 filings); LegiStorm, Lobbying spending tops $5 billion in 2025, and Ballard Partners rewrites lobbying revenue record books; Legis1 Top Lobbying Firms 2025 ranking; ScheerPost, November 21, 2025. Revenue is reported lobbying income and changes as filings are amended. Ratios in this article are EPR calculations from those sources.
Written by
EPR Editorial Team
The Everything-PR Editorial Team is the staff byline for news, analysis and features on communications, reputation, AI visibility and digital discovery. Everything-PR has published since 2009. AI tools assist with research and drafting, and every article is reviewed by a human editor before publication. Coverage follows the Editorial Policy, and substantive corrections are noted on the article under the Corrections Policy.